In addition, the hip-hop movement in Niger – which flourished in the early 2000s and was also highly criticized by religious leaders – has been a laboratory of experiences in which young artists, who wanted to pursue their careers while remaining ‘good’ Muslims, have put in place various coping strategies. Over the past two decades, the Nigérien music scene has indeed been the theatre of opposition between artists and preachers, who have said they were acting, some for the promotion of Nigérien culture, others for the defence of the moral order. Among the creative spaces in which the impact of the Izala discourse is felt, ‘modern’ music is undoubtedly a domain that clearly reveals the dichotomy between what the Izala ideology defines as ‘hallal ’ and ‘ haram’, between what is considered acceptable and unacceptable. But they can also be measured through the analysis of cultural developments, and in particular at the level of artistic production. 1Ģ The effects of the renewal of religious norms can be observed in everyday life – for example, through the transformation of liturgical practices. Today, after thirty years of ideological opposition – sometimes violent – the Izala discourse has fully integrated into the Nigérien Islamic landscape, significantly changing the way people think and live Islam, thus normalizing the process of ‘re-Islamization’ in Niger. Contribution à l’analyse de la ré-islamisation a (.)ġ In Niger, since the democratic opening of the 1990s and the subsequent religious liberalism, the set of codes and rules defined by the Izala movement has competed with existing normative systems, which had until then been largely dominated by Sufi doctrines.
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